Wednesday, July 31, 2013

'Info ladies' go biking to bring remote Bangladeshi villages online


Guardian Global Development 

Info ladies crisscross the countryside offering the chance to see a loved one, get a blood sugar check or even legal advice  

 

Bangladeshi 'info ladies'
Bangladeshi info ladies in Saghata, a remote impoverished farming village in Gaibandha district, Bangladesh. Photograph: AM Ahad/AP
As she approaches the village, Sathi rings her bicycle bell and the children come running to meet her, shouting "Hello, hello". Women emerge from their homes one by one. Sitting in the middle of a beaten-earth yard, Sathi carefully places her laptop on a plastic chair, plugs in headphones and launches a session on Skype. The faces of village men working thousands of kilometres from here appear on the screen.

"It's like my brother was standing right there, except I can't touch him. What's more he's put on weight and lost colour since he started work in Iraq," says a worried Sumita. She keeps saying "As-salamu alaykum" and "Hello", for fear he might vanish. "It's a bad connection," Sathi explains. "It's a public holiday and everyone wants to call the Gulf states, so it's busy."

A session costs a fortune, equivalent to about $3 an hour. "But the price includes technical support or volume adjustment," Sathi adds. Even at this price Skype is a great success. In Bangladesh, population 152 million, only 5 million people are connected.

So 56 "info ladies" crisscross the countryside, dressed in blue and pink uniform and carrying in their bags a laptop, a camera to make films or take wedding snaps, but also tests for blood sugar and pregnancy, and of course some cosmetics and shampoo. Thanks to their PC connected to the "new world" via a USB stick, these women can call up information beyond the reach of village schoolteachers. Internet access is an instrument of emancipation too. The women advise farmers and sometimes even offer  legal advice.

Information needs these "ladies" to reach its destination, because "browsing the net is like flying a rocket to land on another planet", Sathi says. "It scares lots of people." But technology is not only for those who know how to use it; it's also for those who want to appropriate it. The women swap helpful advice and sometimes spend whole nights solving a technical hitch. The D.net non-profit organisation [PDF], which launched the scheme in 2008, trains the women for three months on how to use the hardware, at centres close to their home. To start their business they need to take out a loan: roughly $650.

They make an early start. At 6am Jeyasmin prepares a meal outside her hut, consisting mainly of rice, then takes her daughter to school. When she returns men are already waiting anxiously, eager to check their blood sugar. Ever since Jeyasmin organised a session on this subject, many of the residents think they have diabetes. "Villagers are not generally ready to purchase information, so the ladies sell them accompanying services, like medical tests or natural fertilisers," D.net head Ananya Raihan explains. A few hours later several teenage women are waiting for Jeyasmin in the shade of a date tree. She shows them a video, with white-coated experts talking and pointing to animated graphics over their heads. "Doctors never come to see us, so we might as well watch them on a PC. But it's a pity they don't answer our questions," says one of the young women. When Jeyasmin takes out her weighing machine, it draws a big crowd. They climb on to the machine, standing tall and not batting an eyelid, for fear of upsetting it.

Many of the younger women confide in the info ladies. "They understand our worries and don't make judgments," says one of them. Some teenagers even ask the women to buy them underwear, sanitary towels and makeup in town, because generally only the men go to market. The purveyors of information also have what they call their "Facebook secrets", or indeed the Skype equivalent. After creating a Facebook account, Golapi Akter met a Bangladeshi who lives in Dubai. "There are so many men who live in Facebook," she whispers. She chats with him every week on Skype and even introduced him to her parents with her webcam.

With monthly earnings of about $150 some of the women invest in other ventures. Sathi, for instance, has used her savings to turn her parents' stall into a rural supermarket, setting a whole new trend. It sells first-aid kits, USB sticks, medicine, toys, DVDs and even special kits for repairing mobiles that have dropped into the water on a paddy field. There is a small parking area outside for bicycles. The undertaking has turned out very well and the budding entrepreneur has invested in a generator, so she can show Bollywood movies, even when there's a power cut.

The info-ladies project is still a pilot scheme. It has failed in conservative areas where it is very difficult for women to have a job and where the number of migrants working overseas is too low for the Skype service to show a viable return. In the areas where the business model works, there are plans for the women to be paid to carry out market research. It has also been suggested that they should use tablet computers, which are more dust-resistant than conventional PCs. With this version new recruits would need to find $2,000 to buy into the info-lady franchise.

This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from Le Monde

Bangladesh's radical Muslims uniting behind Hefazat-e-Islam

Government is wary of a movement led by Shah Ahmad Shafi that has gathered strength since its launch in 2010

shah ahmad shafi 
Bangladeshi police escort Hefazat-e-Islam leader Shah Ahmad Shafi from a madrasa in Dhaka on 6 May, a day after he instigated mass protests in the city. Photograph: Monirul Alam/Zuma Press/Corbis
Passersby cast wary looks at a bunch of men lurking outside the entrance to the Hathazari madrasa. They stand out, having neither beards nor traditional dress. Indeed, one of them has had the bright idea of wearing a flowered shirt. For the past few weeks the madrasa in Chittagong, central Bangladesh, has been under police surveillance. It houses 12,000 Qur'anic students, guided by Shah Ahmad Shafi, who heads Hefazat-e-Islam, the country's largest radical Islamic movement.

At his instigation over 500,000 demonstrators clogged the streets of Dhaka on 5 May, demanding the application of 13 measures, including a ban on mixing of men and women in public places, the removal of sculptures and demands for the former wording of the constitution to be reinstated, affirming "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah". About 50 people were killed in clashes with police and several leaders were arrested. Since then Hefazat has avoided the media, for fear of reprisals. The government is extremely wary of a movement that has steadily gathered strength since its launch three years ago.

We had to climb into a car with smoked-glass windows to enter the madrasa, where a cadre took us to the guide's office. Shafi, 93, only sees visitors after a long early-afternoon nap. He rarely speaks in public, less still to journalists. One of his proteges actually spoke to us, under his supervision, with so much fervour and devotion he might have been saying a prayer. Only once did Shafi raise his bushy white eyebrows, saying: "Above all, do not imagine we are interested in politics. Our aims are noble and exclusively religious."

Hefazat was formed in January 2010, in opposition to plans to give women the same rights of inheritance as men. It gained new recruits in April this year, after secular demonstrations in the capital. Thousands of people flocked to Shabhag Square, demanding the death sentence for the perpetrators of crimes during the war of independence, when they sought to maintain links between Pakistan and Bangladesh, then known as east Pakistan, the better to defend Islam.

But radical Muslims publicised the allegedly blasphemous statements of various bloggers, discrediting the Shabhag movement and regaining the initiative. "We shall fight till all 13 of our demands have been satisfied," promises one of Hefazat's general-secretaries.

Hefazat had previously kept a low profile. "It represents poor people, with little education, mainly country folk, who have always been despised by the urban middle classes. There is nothing transnational or terrorist about the movement, but it may become more radical if it is sidelined," says Farhad Mazar, a political commentator. Hefazat enjoys the support of millions of believers, thanks to the control it exerts over the vast majority of Qur'anic schools in Bangladesh. "Our schools train the best imams. About a quarter of them then leave for the Gulf states, the United Kingdom or the United States, and they support us financially," says Habib Ullah, the movement's deputy-general-secretary.

Hefazat has taken advantage of favourable circumstances to pull together a series of long-established political groups and organisations that have never before displayed such unity. Jamaat-e-Islami, its main rival at the head of a political party, has been undermined by the arrest of several of its leaders, on charges of war crimes.

The rise of Hefazat mirrors the declining secular ideology dating back to independence. Secularism served as a basis for Bangladeshi identity in 1971, when the country united to break away from the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, becoming one of the four basic principles enshrined in the constitution of 1972. But it has been disputed ever since. In 1977 the constitution was revised to assert "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah [as] the basis of all actions". Then in June 1988 a further constitutional amendment made Islam the state religion.

Islamism fills a gap in the political and ideological spectrum left vacant by the parties that coalesced around the independence movement, worn out by subsequent quarrels and scandals. "It is too soon to say that secularism is dead," says Ali Riaz, professor of politics and government at Illinois State University. "But the rise of Islamism, in the past 30 years, has influenced the political discourse and agenda, and to a certain extent social behaviour."

If this trend persists, it may hold back women's emancipation and fuel a sense of insecurity among religious and ethnic minorities. "The government has failed so far to protect these minorities," Riaz adds. In March hundreds of Hindu shrines and homes were burned down. This particular minority now accounts for less than 10% of the population, compared with 15.5% in 1975.

Hefazat is determined to influence the outcome of the election scheduled for early 2014, though it shuns direct involvement in politics, perceived as "impure". The ruling Awami League is in a difficult position, trapped between the Islamists and the opposition, which accuses it of confiscating power by refusing to form an interim government capable of organising a transparent election.

"The fact that [the Awami League] will not hear of an interim government may mean that it thinks it is going to lose. You may win without the support of the Islamists, but you cannot win against them," warns a Dhaka academic. Safe behind the walls of his madrasa, Shafi could well act as the kingmaker in the next election.

This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from Le Monde·

Link:http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jul/30/bangladesh-hefazat-e-islam-shah-ahmad-shafi

Love and War: the photographer who was left behind


 Wednesday 31 July 2013


Photographer Guillaume Simoneau explores his tempestuous eight-year relationship with a US soldier who joined up after 9/11

Wearing army uniform for me, Kennesaw, Georgia, 2008 

Caroline says ... Wearing army uniform for me, Kennesaw, Georgia, 2008. Photograph: Guillaume Simoneau

In 2000, Guillaume Simoneau, a French-Canadian photographer, met an American girl called Caroline Annandale at a Maine Media Photography Workshop. They fell in love – but their "feverish" relationship took a strange twist when Caroline enlisted in the US Army just after September 11, and was shipped to Iraq. Left behind, Simoneau nursed feelings of heartbreak, abandonment and deep anxiety about her safety. Then, things started to fall apart, not least because of what Caroline experienced as a soldier. Later, they reconnected – and a long-distance, but no less turbulent, relationship ensued through emails, letters, text messages and photos.

When asked recently what he wanted his photographs to say to people, Simoneau replied: "That everything will be OK." One senses that this message of hope and acceptance came out of the making of Love and War, Simoneau's photo book that wears its heart on its sleeve. It takes the viewer on a journey into a passionate, turbulent relationship – where it becomes increasingly clear that everything is not going to be OK.
Mapping heavy-duty emotional territory is a tall order for any photography book, even one with words scattered throughout that act like clues. But Love and War works, perhaps because it makes the viewer strive to piece together the lovers' narrative.

Love and War is as far from a book of war photography as it is possible to get, but it is very much a book about war. It begins with a head and shoulders portrait of Caroline in 2008, in which she stares not so much at the camera, as right through it. She has survived, but something has been lost along the way. As the book's narrative unfolds in its wilfully non-chronological way, we see another Caroline, younger and carefree. In 2000, she is captured crouching in a grassy meadow, a flower in her mouth. The same year, she coquettishly pouts for Simoneau's camera in one frame and is caught daydreaming in the bath in an intimately relaxed black-and-white nude portrait. The camera (and Simoneau) adores her, and she seems relaxed in its gaze. There's a tenderness to these images that makes them arresting when they appear haphazardly throughout the book, like fragments of a love lost. Which, of course, is what they are.

Guillaume Simoneau Caroline's world by Joanna R, Rockport, Maine, 2000 Photograph: Guillaume Simoneau 

The post-Iraq portraits of Caroline show a woman who has cast off her girlishness, but also seems more defiant before Simoneau's camera. In one, she looks sombre in shades and long grey coat on Veteran's Day; in another, she poses with a handgun. How much this change has to do with her experiences in Iraq or with the unravelling of their romance is hard to say.

The narrative is punctuated with other clues about her uncertain state of mind. A text message from Caroline to Simoneau in the summer of 2008 reads: "The more I think of where we are heading individually, the more I believe in us being together." Another, from a few months later, reads: "I seriously can't think of you for very long. I honestly feel wrong physically." This is the universal language of decaying romance, of course, but then you begin to wonder if the latter text may be hinting at other, darker traumas.

Symbolic landscapes, too, dot the narrative: a magnolia tree on a street corner in Montreal; a fractured globe standing beside an orchid on a chest of drawers, which Simoneau has titled Broken Vows. That image was made in 2009 in Lévis, Québec. It is the book's penultimate image, followed by a portrait of Caroline standing to attention in full fatigues. She looks uncomfortable as she stares out of the frame. It is painfully and ironically titled, Wearing Army Uniform for Me, Kennesaw, Georgia, 2008.

If there is a moment of high drama in the book, it comes not from a photograph but text: an email written to Simoneau by Caroline's mother in which, in an almost casual way, she tells him that: "On May 20, 2003, [Caroline] married her friend, Joe Hopkins, changing her name to Caroline Ralston Hopkins ..." That the two reconnected at all after this news says much about Simoneau's dedication to her – and his photographic project about her.

Guillaume Simoneau Love and War  The more I think text, summer, 2008. Photograph: Guillaume Simoneau 

 Love and War is a book loaded with subtexts. And it leaves so many unanswered questions hanging: did Caroline change in the eight years because of her experience of war or because she simply matured? And given that they met on a photography workshop, why is there only one image by her here – portrait of Simoneau covered in a cloth behind his plate camera making one of the images for the book.

The book's final two pages may provide the answer, suggesting that writing, rather than photography, may be her gift. Here, she records her recollections of comradeship and death in Iraq, sparingly and with great force. "As a young girl, I always dreamed of a white Christmas. As a soldier standing in ceremonial formations that Christmas Eve, it crossed my mind that my fallen comrades might arrive home for a snowy holiday burial. I was scheduled to be stuck in this hellhole for 10 more months. But at least I was alive."

For all that, Love and War is a story told principally through Simoneau's eyes, his camera – and the prism of his heartbreak. But that is its great strength. It is a narrative about love and war told by someone who experienced one but not the other – and who was left behind by both. It is a story about what war does to love.

Love and War is at VU Photo, Québec, from 6 September to 6 October.

Video clip of Killing the political leader in Bangladesh

যুবলীগ ঢাকা মহানগর উত্তরের যুগ্ম সাধারণ সম্পাদক রিয়াজ উদ্দীন খান মিল্কিকে গুলি করে হত্যার দৃশ্য 

Video clip of Killing the political leader in Bangladesh

 


Riaz Uddin Khan Milki, Joint Secretary of Juboleague, Dhaka Metropolitan (North) Branch shot to death by the killer group in openly at Gulshan area in front of shopping mall, on 29 July-2013 (Monday) day past night at 01:00am. He dead on the spot. Footage collected from the shopping mall cctv.

MALALA'S 'NEW LIFE'

Malala talking about herself after shoot to him

What Jenny McCarthy and the Taliban Have in Common

The Atlantic

What Jenny McCarthy and the Taliban Have in Common
Hint: It's not global jihad. 
talibanbanner.jpg
A captured Taliban fighter sits next to two Afghan policemen near the village of Shajoy in Zabol province. (Goran Tomasevic/Reuters)
The recent selection of Jenny McCarthy for a spot on The View has angered vaccinators and people who support childhood vaccination. Her opposition to vaccination, however, puts her in company with the most notorious anti-vaxxers of modern times -- the Taliban.

The coordinated murders of community health care workers in Pakistan, most of them women, in May has once again put into jeopardy the global polio eradication initiative. While the movement initially experienced exponential progress, it now finds itself trapped in an increasingly bloody battle with Islamic fundamentalists. When a female health worker wakes up in the morning, puts on her shalwar kameez, covering her head and most of her face in a dupatta, she is getting in gear to step out on to the front lines of one of the most important and dangerous wars of our time.

The global battle against polio lends itself well to the grisly metaphors of war. In many ways, the world-wide campaign to eradicate the disease has mirrored the fight against terrorism. The number of polio cases hit its lowest mark in 2001 with 483 cases reported. Since then, however, the world has been struggling to go the final inch. With India finally having eradicated polio in 2011, the only thing standing in the way are Islamic fundamentalists in Afghanistan, Nigeria, and Pakistan -- the only countries where polio remains endemic. These fundamentalists have been instrumental in obstructing polio vaccination in all three of these countries. In the Nigerian province of Kano in 2003, Islamic leaders declared polio vaccination to be a conspiracy to sterilize Muslim populations, resulting in a large epidemic that spread polio to several other African countries where polio had previously been eradicated.

The Af-Pak front has been even more problematic. With children on both sides of the restive border between Afghanistan and Pakistan remaining outside the reach of vaccinators, polio continues to proliferate in these areas. Polio vaccinators, at times the only visible footprint of the Pakistani government in these areas, have remained under continuous threat and are frequently attacked.

In the summer of 2011, another noxious ingredient was added to the swirling milieu of conspiracy over vaccinations. Shortly after the killing of Osama bin Laden, it was revealed that the CIA had been running a fake vaccination campaign to acquire genetic material from members of the Bin Laden compound. This news was supposed vindication to the years of propaganda aired by Islamic fundamentalists and the worst nightmare of public health officials who had been struggling to push vaccination on the staunchest of skeptics. "The credibility of health care workers involved in polio eradication seems to have taken a hit due to this episode" said Saad Bin Omer, an associate professor at Emory University with expertise in vaccine refusals both in Pakistan and the United States. The systematic countrywide massacre of hapless vaccinators morbidly underscores his point.

These attacks have once again put the brave women of Pakistan at the forefront of Pakistan's war within itself. The "lady health workers" project was founded by late Benazir Bhutto and is one of her lasting legacies. By making women the centerpiece of community health, building on the access and trust they have with their communities, the thinking was that large-scale public health interventions for infants, mothers, children, and adults could be delivered cost-effectively to the populations that needed it the most. Population-based research has demonstrated their role in everything from delivering psychotherapy to women with perinatal depression to identifying infants with serious infections. Extremists' attacks against Pakistan's women, however, are an example of the terrorists' increasing cowardice and the emptiness of their purported ideals.

Finding it more difficult to launch the sort of high-profile attacks they carried out in past years, the Taliban have started to opt for softer targets. The women of Pakistan are far from collateral damage in this war. Whether it is the spirit of Benazir Bhutto, which continues to power the left in Pakistan, the formless strength of Malala Yousafzai, or the endurance of the women roaming their villages and towns with droppers full of attenuated polio organisms, the women of Pakistan have shown up where many of their men never dare trespass.

However, they cannot carry the mess created by some of Pakistan's men on their own shoulders alone. Nor can Pakistan's weak civilian government. Pakistan's army only became involved in protecting vaccinators after the killings. While moderate religious experts have come out in favor of vaccination, large religious parties and leaders have shied away from supporting it. According to Saad bin Omer, while there are no "silver bullets," having religious leaders endorse vaccination, setting up vaccination sites at key transit points, and increasing community worker compensation and protection are some interventions that should have downstream benefits.

The challenge to vaccination in the United States is an entirely different one, and much of it has the effectiveness of vaccination itself to blame. Historically, as a disease is eradicated, the populace forgets the devastating effects of the disappearing disease. While it was not long ago that a sitting United States president -- Franklin Roosevelt -- was crippled from polio, the last indigenous transmission of the polio virus in the United States occurred during the 70s. The unfortunate resurgence of vaccine-preventable diseases, such as whooping cough, that has resulted from vaccine refusals here may, however, reverse that narrative. Similar to Pakistan though, women, in their role as mothers and advocates, are the key to battling anti-vaccination propaganda, such as the link to autism that has been fully debunked. In many ways, the war on polio and other vaccine-preventable diseases is likely to be just as consequential as the fight against global terror.

This article available online at:

Tuesday, July 30, 2013

ইনকা সভ্যতার (৫০০ বছর) অক্ষত দেহের কিশোরী- ‘ল্য দোঞ্চেলা’

     ইনকা সভ্যতার কিশোরী- 'ল্য দোঞ্চেলা'

ই বালিকা সাধারণ কোনো জীবিত বালিকাও নয়। ৫০০ বছর আগে মারা যাওয়া পেরুর বিস্ময়কর ইনকা সম্প্রদায়ের ১৫ বছর বয়সী বালিকা ল্য দোঞ্চেলা

এতোকাল আগের বালিকাকে এ রকম জীবন্ত মনে হওয়া অস্বাভাবিক ব্যাপার বটে, কিন্তু কীভাবে সম্ভব?
 
ইতিহাস বলছে, শিশু-কিশোরদেরকে সৃষ্টিকর্তাদের উদ্দেশে বলি দেওয়ার রেওয়াজ ছিল ইনকাদের। তারপর মারা যাওয়া শিশুদের স্রষ্টারই সম্মানে মমি করে রাখা হতো।

অনুসন্ধিত্সু মানুষ পৃথিবীর অদ্ভুতুড়ে রহস্যময় ঘটনাগুলোর কোনোটিই কখনো ছাড় দেয়নি। রহস্য যতই গভীর হয়েছে, মানুষ ততই আগ্রহী হয়েছে রহস্য সমাধানে। যতই জটিল আর ভয়ংকর হয়, ততই মানুষ ঝাঁপিয়ে পড়ে। যেমন পেরুর বিখ্যাত ইনকা সভ্যতার বিশাল রত্ন ভান্ডার! কোথায় লুকিয়ে আছে এই সাত রাজার ধন! এ প্রশ্নের উত্তর নেই।

যুগের পর যুগ ধরে প্রত্নতাত্ত্বিকেরা আমেরিকার এই প্রাচীন সমৃদ্ধ সভ্যতার খোঁজ করে গেছেন। বিধ্বংসী স্প্যানিশ অভিযাত্রীরা বারবার আঘাত হেনেছিল ইনকাদের প্রাচুর্যে। তারা লুট করেছে, হত্যা করেছে, আগুনে পুড়িয়ে দিয়েছে ইনকা সভ্যতায় সমৃদ্ধ শহরগুলো। সে জন্যই বিশেষজ্ঞদের হাতে খুব অল্প প্রমাণাদি ও তথ্য এসে পৌঁছায়। ১৫২৭ সালে এক মহামারি ইনকা সভ্যতায় কালো মেঘের ছায়া বয়ে আনে। মারা যান রাজা ও তাঁর উত্তরসূরি ছেলে। রাজার অন্য দুই ছেলের মধ্যে সিংহাসনের লড়াইয়ে দেশে দেখা দেয় রক্তাক্ত এক গৃহযুদ্ধ। জিতে যান অ্যাটাহুয়ালপা। সুখ অবশ্য তাঁর কপালে জোটেনি। তাঁকে ১৫৩২ সালে স্প্যানিশ যোদ্ধা ফ্রান্সিস পিজারো হারিয়ে দেন।

পিজারো নামমাত্র রাজা হিসেবে সিংহাসনে বসান অ্যাটাহুয়ালপার শত্রু মানকোকে। নতুন রাজা অবশ্য কখনোই রাজার সন্মান পাননি। তাই প্রতিহিংসায় মেতে ওঠে মানকো। ইনকা রাজার সোনার মূর্তি এনে দেওয়ার লোভ দেখিয়ে ভিলকাবাম্বা শহরের পাহাড়ে হারিয়ে যান মানকো ও তার শক্তিশালী সেনারা। এরপর বহু বছর ধরে মানকো ও তাঁর ছেলেদের সঙ্গে ইনকা সভ্যতার সিংহাসন জয় নিয়ে পাল্টাপাল্টি ধাওয়া চলতে থাকে স্প্যানিশ যোদ্ধাদের। এর মধ্যে কারও পক্ষেই আর সেই ভিলকাবাম্বা কিংবা ভিটেকাস নামের শহর দুটিকে গুরুত্ব দেওয়া হয়নি। স্প্যানিশ কলোনির মানচিত্রেও শহর দুটির উল্লেখ নেই। কিন্তু এর মাঝেই লুকিয়ে আছে ইনকা সভ্যতার বিশাল রত্ন-ভান্ডার। ইনকার শেষ রাজা এ শহরেই পুঁতে রেখেছেন অমূল্য ধনসম্পদ। ১৭৬৮। ধারণা করা হয়, আপুরিমাক নদীর অববাহিকায় চোককেকিরোই প্রাচীন ভিলকাবাম্বা শহরটি। এ খবর নিয়ে আমেরিকান বিশেষজ্ঞ বিংহাম খোঁজ শুরু করেন ১৯০৯ সালে।

বর্তমান পেরুর কোস্কো এলাকায় সুপ্রাচীন ইনকা সভ্যতার সূচনা হয়েছিল একটি উপজাতি হিসাবে। পৃথিবীর দীর্ঘতম পর্বতমালা হল দক্ষিন আমেরিকা আন্দিজ পর্বতমলা। এই পার্বতয ভূভাগে পরষ্পর সম্পর্কযুক্ত কয়েকটি প্রাচীন সভ্যতার উদ্ভব ঘটেছিল। সম্মিলিতভাবে এসব সভ্যতাকে মূলত এন্দীয় সভ্যতা বলা হয়। দ্বাদশ শতাব্দিতে মধ্য আমেরিকা থেকে আগত একদল ভাগ্যান্বেষি পেরুর কুজকো (Cuzko) উপত্যাকায় এসে বসবাস শুরু করে। আগত এই জনগোষ্ঠির মধ্যে ছিল কৃষক, কারিগড়, কামার ইত্যাদি। স্থানীয় লোকেদের পরাভূত করে হাতুন তামাক নামক এক সাহসী যোদ্ধা ১৩৯০ সালের দিকে কুজকো উপত্যাকায় একটি রাজত্ব প্রতিষ্ঠা করে। রাজত্বের নাম হয় ইনকা এবং রাজা তাপাক নিজেকে ভিরাকোচা ইনকা (জনগণের ইশ্বর) নামে ভূষিত করেন। বলা যেতে পার ইনকা সভ্যতার সূচনা কিছুটা নাটকীয়তার মধ্য দিয়ে হয়েছিল।

ইনকা সভ্যতা প্রতিষ্ঠিত হওয়ার পর একটি দৃঢ় অর্থনৈতীক ভিত্তির উপর দাঁড়িয়ে ছিল। এই এন্দীজ সভ্যতায় টাকার প্রচলন ছিল এবং ভোগ্যপন্য ও বিলাসপন্যের ব্যাবসা বানিজ্য বিস্তৃতি লাভ করেছিল। এই সভ্যতায় কর ব্যাবস্থার প্রচলন ছিল। বলা হয়ে থাকে যে কর উত্তোলোকরা বিভিন্ন পশু, বৃদ্ধ বা দাশের বলি উৎসর্গ হিসেবে গ্রহন করত।

ল্য দোঞ্চেলা নামের এই বালিকার মমিটিকে ১৯৯৯ সালে বিস্ময়কর মাচুপিচু নগরীর লুলাইকো আগ্নেয়গিরির ৬,৭৩৯ মিটার (২২,১১০ ফুট) উঁচুতে আবিষ্কার করেন একজন আর্জেন্টাইন-পেরুভিয়ান অভিযাত্রী।

বিজ্ঞানী ও গবেষকরা বলেন, ল্য দোঞ্চেলার শরীরের অঙ্গ-প্রত্যঙ্গ এখনও অক্ষত রয়ে গেছে এবং মনে হচ্ছে সে কেবল কয়েকসপ্তাহ আগে মারা গেছে। তার অক্ষত অঙ্গ-প্রত্যঙ্গ দেখে বিশ্বাস করতে কষ্ট হয় যে কোনো ঔষুধ বা নেশা জাতীয় দ্রব্য খাইয়ে ‍তাকে হত্যা করা হয়েছে। তবে, চুল পরীক্ষা করেই তার মৃত্যুর সময় নির্ণয় করেন গবেষকরা।

ইতিহাস মতে, সৃষ্টিকর্তার উদ্দেশে বলি দেওয়া শিশুদের হত্যার আগে সুষম খাবার খাইয়ে মোটা-তাজা করা হতো এবং সমাধিস্থলে পৌঁছানোর আগে শিশুদের ভীতি ও ব্যথা নাশক উন্মাদক পানীয় পান করানো হতো, তারপর তাদের হত্যা করা হতো।

গবেষকরা বলেন, সাম্রাজ্যবাদে বিশ্বাসী ইনকারা সামাজিক নিয়ন্ত্রণ প্রতিষ্ঠার লক্ষ্যে ধর্মবিশ্বাসের আড়ালে অপেক্ষাকৃত নিম্নশ্রেণীর সন্তানদের প্রতি এ ধরনের নির্মম আচরণ করতো।

ইনকা সভ্যতার অন্যতম কেন্দ্র সিলুসতানি এলাকায় অনুসন্ধান চালিয়ে দেবতার উদ্দেশ্যে উৎসর্গ করা ৪৪টি শিশুর দেহাবশেষ আবিষ্কার করেছেন তারা। ধারণা করা হচ্ছে, এই শিশুদের এখন থেকে ৬০০-৭০০ বছর আগে দেবতার উদ্দেশ্যে উৎসর্গ করার জন্য হত্যা করে এখানে সংরৰণ করা হয়। মরদেহ সংরৰণের জন্য নির্মিত একটি সত্দমে্ভর মধ্যে পাথরের খাঁজে রাখা বাক্সে দেহগুলো জোড়ায় জোড়ায় রাখা ছিল। উদ্ধার করা দেহাবশেষগুলোর মধ্যে নবজাতক থেকে তিন বছর বয়সী শিশু রয়েছে বলে জানান গবেষকরা।

গবেষকরা বলেন, দেহাবশেষগুলো কলস্না সভ্যতার নিদর্শন। এই সভ্যতার শাসকরা আনুমানিক ১২০০ থেকে ১৪৫০ সাল পর্যনত্দ পেরম্নর দৰিণের পুনো অঞ্চলের কিছু এলাকা শাসন করত। দেহাবশেষগুলোর চারপাশ উৎসর্গীকৃত বিভিন্ন সামগ্রী যেমন পশু, খদ্যোসামগ্রী এবং থালাবাসন দিয়ে সাজানো ছিল বলে জানিয়েছেন পুরাতাত্তি্বক দলের সদস্য এদোয়াদরাউা আরিসাকা। এছাড়া দেহাবশেষগুলোর পাশ থেকে যদু্ধের বিভিন্ন চিত্র আঁকা চীনামাটির ফলক পাওয়া গেছে। এ থেকে গবেষকরা ধারণা করছেন, এই শিশুদের কলস্না সভ্যতার সঙ্গে অন্য প্রতি্দ্বন্দ্বীদের যদু্ধ চলাকালীন দেবতাদের উদ্দেশ্যে উৎসর্গ করা হত। শিশুদের এই দেহাবশেষগুলো চুলপা লাগেরতো নামের ১০ মিটার উচ্চতার একটি বৃত্তাকার স্তম্ভের পাশ থেকে উদ্ধার করা হয়। রাজধানী লিমা থেকে ১৩০০ কিলোমিটার দক্ষিণ-পূবরাউ সিলুসত্দানির ওই স্তম্ভের কাছে আরও ২০০ মানুষের দেহাবশেষ পাওয়া গেছে।

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